ZHONG JINYE/FOR CHINA DAILY
Corruption is often perceived by external observers as merely an issue of internal discipline within the Communist Party of China or a matter of personal integrity of officials. But the battle against corruption has moved beyond just fostering Party discipline and clean governance, and become an essential mechanism for safeguarding development, sustaining economic growth, ensuring fair market competition and protecting people's livelihoods. That's why it's important to safeguard high-quality growth during the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30) period.
Corruption often begins with minor misconduct. Dining and drinking at public expense or cultivating personal connections can gradually evolve into exchanges of favor for personal gain, creating a cycle where misconduct and corruption become intertwined.
For instance, a law-abiding small or medium-sized enterprise might struggle to compete against a rival that secures contracts through private dinners and personal connections. Public funds intended for farmland improvement or industrial support may be misappropriated by a few individuals. Local governments may launch high-profile vanity projects in pursuit of impressive-looking statistics, consuming fiscal resources without generating genuine jobs or industrial benefits.
These issues transcend individual misconduct, distorting the rules of resource allocation, increasing business costs and undermining public confidence in the system's fairness.
The same principle applies in rural areas. If agricultural subsidies intended for farmers are fraudulently claimed by a few grassroots officials, the damage extends beyond the immediate financial losses for individual farmers. It undermines national policies supporting agriculture and rural development and erodes the foundation of rural industrial growth.
This is why, during the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30) period, combating corruption cannot be seen merely as an aspect of Party building. Without effective checks on the exercise of power, resource allocation may easily favor a privileged few with the right connections. High-quality projects, subsidies and policy benefits may not go to the most efficient and innovative market participants but to those adept at cultivating personal networks. In such cases, even the best development plans may face obstacles during implementation.
One of the key values of anti-corruption efforts lies in protecting fair market competition. The goal is not to hinder legitimate business activities but to dismantle the collusion between power and capital, ensuring that all market participants compete on equal terms.
In recent years, China has investigated and punished not only senior corrupt officials, but also grassroots-level offenders involved in "micro-corruption". Efforts have also been intensified against those who offer bribes, aiming to dismantle the unwritten rule that personal connections take precedence, thus establishing a market environment where rules prevail.
Anti-corruption efforts also ensure the effective use of public finances and development investments. Every government expenditure comes from taxpayers and should serve public purposes, such as infrastructure, education, healthcare and industrial support. When corruption takes hold, these funds can be squandered, diverted or misallocated.
For instance, some local governments have rushed to build industrial parks without considering their industrial strengths, prioritizing visible political achievements over sustainable economic returns. The result can be empty factories and heavy debt burdens. This is a waste of precious fiscal resources that should have supported the real economy.
Anti-corruption efforts reinforce the public trust essential for social development. Development aims to improve the lives of ordinary people. Any abuse of power in areas such as education, elderly care, healthcare and food security directly undermines the people's key interests.
Sustained efforts to stamp out misconduct and corruption affecting people's daily lives help ensure that the benefits of development are shared fairly. When people see that policies are implemented as intended, public services do not depend on personal connections, and administrative procedures are fair and transparent, public trust and social cohesion can drive reform and development.
However, safeguarding development by eliminating corruption requires more than temporary crackdowns or sporadic measures. It demands consistent and effective institutions over the long term. This is an important lesson from the Party-building project in the new era.
Digital platforms can track project approvals and fund allocations from the beginning to the end. Key positions should be closely monitored to narrow the gray areas where discretionary power can be abused. Misconduct and corruption should be investigated together, with inquiries into minor transgressions pursued further to uncover any underlying chain of illicit interests.
By combining punishment, oversight, institutional improvement and ideological education, China can establish a comprehensive system of safeguards against the abuse of power and minimize the impact of corruption on development.
International observers often focus on China's economic growth, industrial policies and major infrastructure projects, but they tend to overlook a crucial variable: the integrity of a country's governance system that directly affects the realization of its development plans.
Some countries have drawn up ambitious development blueprints, but corruption distorts their strategies and undermines implementation. China's approach of treating anti-corruption as a safeguard for development reflects a key aspect of governance under Chinese modernization: economic growth and clean governance are interconnected endeavors.
The journey begins with the personal integrity of officials. When public officials and Party cadres are consistently regulated by institutions, their collective commitment to integrity fosters a stable, fair and predictable environment for society as a whole.
The author is an associate professor of politics and law at the Party School of the CPC Central Committee.
The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.
